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A D D M E S S 



; ^i^-Q^C-'~-i 



I '••• 



OF THE 




emocratic ^tatc Central Committee 



"TO THE VOTERS OF THE STATE. 



Fellow Citizens : — 

In view of the coming election, wbicli will be one of more than 
ordinary importance, the Democratic State Central Committee 
desire to address you. • 

The State Convention which met in September,' and nominated 
a candidate for Governor, adopted a seriesof resolutions express- 
ing the sentiments of the party and the principles on which they 
were called to place themselves in the ensuing contest. These 
principles we heartily adopt. They breathe the spirit of ardent 
devotion to the Union and the Constitution. They assure to 
the National Administration cordial support in suppressing, by 
all Constitutional means, the rebellion which political madness has 
brought upon us. They condemn all unlawful assumptions 
of power, all infringements of the rights of the people under the 
Constitution, and they entirely reject the idea that the civil war 
which now afflicts us shall be waged for the purposes of emanci- 
pation. This is the substance of the resolutions, and in what we 
shall say to you on this occasion, we shall do little more than 
attempt to bring them more prominently before you, and urge 
upon you their importance. 

The resolutions, as you will see, indicate the character of the 
coming contest and the great issues which fill the public mind. 
The rebellion, the civil war, the mode in which it is conducted, 
its objects and consequences, the integrity of the Constitution 
and the safety of our own personal rights. These are the great 
themes which call for our most earnest consideratioa. 



EA^« 



Grave difficulties have existed for many years, as we all know^ 
between the Northern and Southern sections of our Union, grow- 
ing out of difference of habits, interests and institutions. They 
have given rise to doubts as to the permanency of our system of 
government. They have sometimes risen so high as to threaten 
our safety. Fortunately, on these occasions we have had wise 
men in our councils, endued with a spirit of compromise and 
peace, and by the blessing of Providence the danger has been 
averted. But it was only for a time. Designing men on both 
sides renewed the quarrel, and passion became more and more 
excited. The result was a secession from the Union by several 
of the Southern States, and a civil war. This war, we firmly 
believe, might have been avoided, even after some of the States 
had seceded, had the same spirit prevailed which proved so ef- 
fectual in 1850, through the wisdom of Clay and Cass and Web- 
ster and Douglas. An honorable and probably a permanent ad- 
justment might have been effected. That we, as a party, that 
the Democracy throughout the country, and especially in the 
free States, together with many conservative men who were in 
the Republican ranks, urged such an adjustment, and labored 
earnestly to bring it about, is known to all. That it was not 
accomplished is not our fault. We are clear of the responsibility 
of the war. Radical politicians everywhere opposed the adjust- 
ment. The Union men in the border States were earnest in 
their entreaties. They foresaw and foretold with almost pro- 
phetic distinctness what would be the results of a failure. The 
Crittenden resL.lutions, the propositions of the Peace Convention, 
either, if agreed to by Congress, might have saved the country. 
But secessionists in the South opposed them. The radicals of 
the North and East opposed them. The great Republican party 
everywhere, with some honorable exceptions, were unwilling to 
abandon their platform. They insisted it should be carried out 
to the letter, no matter what might be the consequences. Some 
assured the people that there was no danger, — that everything 
would be quieted in thirty days, or a few weeks ; others did not 
hesitate to say that blood-letting would be of service to the na- 
tion. And you all remember how the Republican party in our 
own State resisted the efforts that were made for the healing of 



sectional clifficultles and tlie preservation of peace ; how we were 
ridiculed as peace men and Union savers, and taunted for our 
honest fears. We recall these matters not to excite feeling, but 
to show that the Democratic party, and those who acted with 
them, are not responsible for the consequences that ensued. 
There is a book open, in which posterity will M'rite up a fearful 
judgment, against those who shut the door of reconciliation and 
hope on that occasion. Open rebellion and war followed as an 
almost necessary result, and the country is now in the midst of 
a- conflict which may well fill us with dismay, and which the 
civilized world is looking upon with astonishment. 

In this state of things our position and duty ar6 plain. 

We disclaim the doctrine of secession, upon which the South- 
ern States have placed themselves. It is a political heresy 
which finds no place in the Constitution, and is subversive of 
the principles of our government. Secession is but another 
term for revolution, and when sought to be maintained by force, 
is rebellion. In regard to this there is but one opinion among 
us. The rebellion must be put down — the rightful power of the 
government must be restored. The Democratic party is con- 
servative ; "it stands now, and has ever stood since the forma- 
tion of the government, for the Union, the Constitution, and 
the enforcement of the laws," and it will maintain that position 
to the end. And we have, in common with all conservatives, 
acted upon this principle. We yield to none in attachment and 
devotion to the Union ; nor do we rest in mere professions. We 
have responded with cheerfulness to every call that has been 
made for men or means ; we have submitted in common with 
others, to taxes and privations without a murmer. Our sons, 
our brothers and friends are now in the field ready to fight and 
die in defence of their country ; and many of us mourn the loss 
of those who have already fallen in the contest. In common 
with the Democracy of other States we have testified our earnest 
desire for a speedy and successful termination of the conflict. 
We have thrown no obstacles in the way of enlistments, nor 
have we interfered with our Generals in the field, or undertaken 
to dictate to the President the terms on which we would give 
him our support. Although not honored with the confidence of 



the administration, and treated almost as aliens and strangers, 
we have felt that we were citizens of the Repuhlic and inheritors 
of a glorious freedom, and we have manfully maintained the 
right. 

But there are mighty questions in connection with this warj 
which arc now agitating the public mind very deeply, and 
creating anxiety everywhere. For what purpose is it now 
waged, and how and upon what principles should it be con- 
ducted, and when should it cease ? These are matters which 
vitally affect the interests of the country, and the safety of our 
private and political rights, and upon these it becomes us to 
speak and to act. We claim the right as free citizens to 
commune with one another. We are upon the eve of an impor- 
tant election, and at such a time, if ever, we should examine 
into the conduct of our public servants and inquire how the 
government has been administered. 

The sole purpose of the war, as asserted by Congress and 
approved by the administration, is to suppress rebellion, estab- 
lish the authority of the Constitution, and restore the Union. 
This being accomplished, the war is to cease. The fact that 
such a declaration was made by Congress showed plainly that 
doubts had been entertained upon this subject, and you well 
remember that such doubts were expressed, and it was charged 
that other purposes were to be accomplished by this war. But 
Congress gave its solemn pledge, and it was understood by the 
country that it was not to be carried on with a view to subju- 
gation or conquest, or to destroy State institutions or blot them 
out of existence. It was to be a war not against States, but 
against the rebellious people of the States, to bring them back 
to their rightful allegiance. It could have no other legitimate 
object. 

But the events of the last eighteen months have exposed 
many secrets. It is now perfectly well known that strong 
efforts have been made to turn the war from its avowed and just 
purpose and make it an abolition war — a war for general eman- 
cipation. Of this there can be no doubt ; and it is no wonder 
that conservative men are alarmed, and that the country is 



alarmed. A war with such an object would cut off every hope 
of restoring the Union. 

We regret, but are not surprised, that such efforts have been 
made, even in view of such consequences. Unfortunately we 
have in our midst a party who are bent upon this purpose. 
They do not wish to see the war ended or the Union restored 
on the principles of the Constitution. They insist that it shall 
be so prosecuted as that emancipation shall be a necessary conse- 
quence— slavery must be abolished. This, as we all know, is 
not a new idea. We. have- long had fanatics in the North who 
have denounced slavery in the States as a national sin, and the 
Constitution of the United States, which recognizes it, as a 
covenant wth darkness and infamy. At first these were looked 
upon as agitators and disturbers of the national peace. They 
were marked as such ; friends of the Union and of order every 
where avoided them. Yet they persevered; they organized; 
they set themselves up as a party : they took hold of the ultra 
and radical spirit which always exists in a greater or less degree 
in a free government, and turned it to their benefit. They 
found sympathizers among Whigs, but the Whig party, as a 
great national party, refused to affiliate with them or adopt 
their principles. They nevertheless distracted it and impaired 
its unity and strength until, in 1856, they succeeded in destroy- 
ing it and forming out of the two a new party under a new 
name — a party entirely and intentionally sectional. Every 
Southern State and Southern man was necessarily excluded 
frok the platform that was adopted. A large portion of the 
Whig party of that day, and among these were very many of 
the purest and best men of the country, refused to participate 
in this unholy connection. They predicted the consequences 
that must necessarily ensue, and which have fallen upon us 
earlier than they anticipated. But the connection was con- 
summated — the Republican party was the issue. The Whig 
party was extinguished and the abolitionists were satisfied. 
They had a new stand point ; and under the cover of a respec- 
table name, they could work with effect. What they wanted 
was to get the leaven fairly in the lump — and in this they suc- 
ceeded. 



6 

No one has failed to see with what sleepless energy they have 
piu'sued their advantage since that unpropitious event,- until 
they have acquired influence in their own party and thus direct 
its course of action. They claim now to be a power in the 
State, and seek to mould the legitimate purposes of the admin- 
istration to suit their views. Since the breaking out of this 
rebellion they have become more bold and confident in their 
purposes, and their eftorts to accomplish them have been un- 
ceasing. Step by step they have made their advance ; now 
flattering the administration for what they had done, and then 
abusing it for not doing more. The plan of prospective abo- 
lition with compensation did not satisfy them — it was too 
slow. They were afraid the war would end before their object 
was attained. Every symptom of yielding on the part of the 
administration only brought on renewed and severer pressure. 
Threats and menaces even to the withholding of troops, •vN'ere 
resorted to, until at length the President, as we hope against 
his better judgment, issued his proclamation decreeing freedom 
to slaves after the 1st of January, 1863, unless the rebel States 
should before that time return to their allegiance. 

The joy with which this proclamation was received by the 
radicals and by the Republican party, with some exceptions, 
was almost unbounded. They serenaded the President and gave 
utterance to their feelings in the most extravagant demonstra- 
tions. They hailed it as the dawn of a new era. And one of 
the orators of the night (a man of no mean pretensions,) o-penly 
thanked God that the issue between liberty and slavery had 
come at last ! In view of all this is there not reason to fear 
that under the pressure of such influence the war is to be carried 
on for other purposes than the restoration of the Union. 

But you are told that emancipation is not an object of the 
war, that it is only a means adopted to crush the rebellion and 
restore peace to the country. Now in regard to this we would 
remark, that as such a means it is simply unconstitutional. 
No power to free slaves in the South has been given to the 
Executive. There seems to be no dispute upon this point. 
The most ardent supporter of the measure does not pretend to 
justify it on that ground. Nor can it be justified as a war 



power, if indeed any such power can exi&t outside the Constitu- 
tion in a government like ours. There is no power of that 
kind which can justify the President, as the military head of 
the nation, to blot out of existence the institutions of whole 
States, and destroy the private property of the innocent people 
of those States along with the guilty, and that too by mere 
. proclamation, upon -the plea that such property and institutions 
help to sustain the rebellion. 

There is no necessity for the exercise of any such war pow^r, 
or for any violation of the Constitution. We believe this rebel- 
lion can be subdued by constitutional mfeans, faithfully and 
honestly applied. Let peculators, and plunderers, and all who 
fatten upon the spoils of war and have an interest in its con- 
tinuance, be dismissed and punished ; let all who seek to pervert 
the war from its true and avowed purpose, all who stir up divi- 
sions among our military commanders, holding them up to cen- 
sure and ridicule or disgrace, that they may be superseded by 
others, for political purposes, and who seek to make this a party 
war; let all such be put away and dealt with as they deserve. 
It is by these that the nation's arm lias been paralyzed and its 
energies distracted. Let not the governors of States attempt 
to impose terms ami conditions as the pi-ice of their support. 
Let there be one heart, one mind, one purpose ; and there will 
be found power enough in the Constitution to ensure success. 
Surely it cannot be said, and it ought not to be said, that the 
North and West, with more than twenty millions of freemen, 
with an established government, an extended and profitable 
commerce, and a soil unsurpassed for productiveness, cannot 
overcome less than half their number in the South, of whom 
four millions are slaves. Such a confession of inferiority ought 
not to be made to our enemies and the world. 

And there are strong reasons which present themselves to 
every reflecting mind against the policy of this measure. It is 
offensive to the border slave States, who, amid divisions and dis- 
couragements, are striving manfully to sustain the Union. If 
the proclamation is of any avail, arid the rebellion subdued, of 
what value is their property. They ask that while standing by 
the Union they shall not be stricken down themselves. 



8 

We believe that if this proclamation is to go. into effect, it will 
create divisions and dissensions everywhere, prolong and embit- 
ter the war, and render a reunion impossible on the basis ^of the 
Constitution. If at any time the people of the South should 
wish to return to their alleo-iance to the United States; and the 
States should claim to take their place in the Union, with their 
privileges and institutions, what is to be done ? Can the decree 
which has gone forth be annulled ? Can the government repu- 
dijite it, to the prejudice of those in whose behalf it was made ? 

A.nd what is to become of these three or four millions of col- 
ored persons suddenly emancipated and let loose upon the coun- 
try ? If they remain in the South they can only secure their 
actual freedom by force, — by a servile insurrection, which, if 
once commenced, would sweep over the land with all its untold 
horrors, sparing neither age, sex or condition. If they should 
escape to the North it would be ruinous to free labor, and we 
should be loaded with intolerable burdens. 

We cannot believe that such a measure can be either neces- 
sary or expedient. 

But whether emancipation is to be considered as an object of 
the war or as a means of carrying it on, it is a clear, subjection 
of the civil to the military power. It is a declaration that the 
Constitution is insufficient for the purposes for wfiich it was 
made, and that it must yield to the claims of a supposed neces- 
sity. The South has set it at defiance and abjured it. Our 
purpose is to vindicate it, to restore its authority, and to bring 
rebellious people to submit to its rule. In doing so shall we 
ourselves become its violators ? If the South repudiates the 
right of the Constitution to restrain them, and we of the North 
admit that it is powerless to enforce obedience, where do we 
stand ? What becomes of the Constitution ? If means outside of 
it may be resorted to for particular ends, who is to judge when 
and how and for what purposes this may be done ? These are 
subjects of grave import, and we ask for them the consideration 
of reflecting men. There are those among us who deride the 
idea of danger. They are jvilling to trust all power to the ad- 
ministration or almost any one to carry on the Avar and crush 
the rebellion ; and they brand as disloyal those who will not adopt 



9 

their views. Such men are fanatics ; they are the radicak of 
the day, and we cannot be safe under their rule. They forget that 
without Law there is no liberty, and that in this country there is 
no protection to life, liberty or property save under the Consti- 
tution. 

There are other matters connected with the moile of prose- 
cuting this war which demand an honest expression of sentiment 
on this occasion. 

In the Constitution to which we have so often referred, our 
fathers of the revolution prescribed the form of government and 
the powers it might exercise. They intended it should contain 
ample safeguards for the protection of all personal and political 
rights. It provided among other things, that Congress shall 
make no law " abridging the freedom of speech or of the press ;" 
that 

• " The rights of the people to be secure . in their persons, 
houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and 
seizures shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but 
upon probable cause supported by oath or affirmation, and par- 
ticularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or 
things to be seized." 

" That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property 
without due process of law." 

And also, that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall 
enjoy the right of a speedy and public trial, to be informed of 
the nature and cause of the accusation, and to be confronted 
with the witnesses against him. 

These provisions will be found among the amendments to the 
original instrument ; without them it could not have been rati- 
fied. This shows the watchful jealousy of oppression and law- 
less power which pervaded the public mind at that day. This 
was seventy years ago. We have passed through wars and in- 
surrections ; violence and strife have at times shaken our institu- 
tions and caused us to fear for their safety. But amid all these 
the personal rights of the people have been held sacred. Free- 
doni of speech and the press has been protected and enjoyed. 
But how is it now ? Within the last eighteen months we have 
seen citizens of loyal States seized by the strong a.rm of power, 
without warrant or authority, torn from family and friends, car- 



10 

ricd" out of tlie States to "which they owed allegiance and where 
they might hope for protection, and lodged in military fortresses, 
whether for safe keeping or for punishment, or both, we know 
not. There thej'' have been held, ignorant who were their accu- 
sers or what accusations were made against them, without trial or 
even opportlmity of being heard ; held at the pleasure of those 
W'ho placed them there, and set force at their discretion. We 
have seen citizens even of our own loyal State, carried forcibly out 
of her jurisdiction, almost in the face of her public authorities, 
and in defiance of her laws. And why was this ? The people 
of New Jersey have a right to ask why was this. If these per- 
sons were guilty of treason, or of any other known crime against 
the laws or Constitution of the United States, 'she would have 
given them no protection. The courts were open ; the course of 
justice was unobstructed ; there was no reason to doubt the.fidel- 
ity of judges or judes. Why was it, then, that the Constitution 
in its most vital "parts was openly disregarded, ami the security 
of the citizen trampled under foot ? 

In Europe they have what are called political offences. These 
are proceeded against by arrest and imprisonment, without ac- 
cusation or trial. All is dark and secret. The grave cannot be 
.more so. The dungeons of Spain and Austria are full of vic- 
tims, many of whom will never again see the light of day. In 
England such a system has no place. In our country it has 
ever been denounced, and the first approximation to it should re- 
ceive, as it deserves, the reprobation of a free people. 

But, fellow citizens, unlawful arrests might be borne, and even 
imprisonments tolerated, if we were but allowed the privilege of 
the writ of Habeas Corpus. This writ compels the arresting 
party to bring up the prisoner, and shoAV the grounds of his ar- 
rest. If they are lawful, he is remanded to prison for trial ; 
if they are unlawful, he is discharged. It is the great writ 
for the protection of personal liberty, guarding it on every side 
as Avith a flaming sword ; and hence it became necessary that 
parties arrested in certain cases should be deprived of its benefit. 
And it has been so done ; the privilege of the writ has been sus- 
pended, and that too by the President, without the authority of 
Congress. You all remember that a year ago or more the Chief 



11 

Justice of the United States, acting 'under his high authority, 
directed a writ of habeas corpus to General Cadwalader, of the 
United States Army, directing him to produce before him John 
Merryman, then confined in Fort McHenry, near Baltimore, and 
give the reasons of his detention. The officer refused to produce 
the body, acting under orders from the President. The Chief 
Justice issued no attachment against the officer for contempt 
in not obeying the writ. He could not contend against a mili- 
tary order supported by force of arms. From that time the writ 
of habeas corpus has become practically a nullil;y. 

The Constitution of the United States provides for the sus- 
pension of the writ by Congress. Its language is peculiar : — 
" The' privilege of the ,writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus- 
pended unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public 
safety may require it." A case of rebellion or of invasion does 
not of itself authorize the suspension of the writ ; but in addition 
the public safety must require it. The danger must be plain 
and pressing, and the suspension should be limited as to the time 
and place and cause. 

The privilege of the writ should be preserved with scrupulous 
care ; and it has been always done so heretofore. It has not 
been suspended in England for nearly two hundred years; 
and the attempt to suspend it there would be successfully re- 
sisted. In our own country it has never been suspended until 
now. In the time of Burr's conspiracy, about 1807, a strong 
effort was made for a suspension, but it failed. In the war of 
1812, when our country was invaded by a foreign foe, and when 
blue lights on the coast invited the enemy to his prey, and trea- 
son was perfecting its work in one of our Eastern cities, there 
was no suspension of the writ. All history shows how sacred 
the privilege has been regarded. 

But what most excites our fears in this matter is, that the 
power to suspend the privilege of this writ is clain^ed and exer- 
cised by the President, and as we believe without authority and 
in violation of the Constitution. We do not say intentionally 
so. He had the opinion of the law officer of the government, 
and had the right to place himself upon it. That the opinion is 



12 

erroneous we entertain no doubt. The framers of the Consti- 
tution did not place, nOr did they ever intend to place, the high 
and delicate power of suspension in the hands of the Executive. 
Thej couj^led it with the legislative powers of the government, 
where it had always belonged in the country from which we 
derive many of our laws and institutions, and where it should 
belong, especially under our system of government. The writ 
of habeas corpus is the people's privilege — peculiarly so. It 
is their protection against the assumptions of arbitrary power. 
These originate, most commonly, with the Executive ; and it 
can hardly be supposed that the statesmen of that day would 
have been willing to place in the hands of the Executive, power 
over that writ which was to protect them from his usurpations. 
If the Constitution confides it to the Executive, then it is not 
in Congress. It cannot be in both at the same time. This is 
not the occasion for a formal argument. It is enough to say, that 
from the formation of the government until the last year, there 
has been but one opinion, to wit : that the power was in Con- 
gress. In 1807 when the attempt was made to suspend it, it 
was made by Congress. Mr. Jefferson was President, and no 
question was raised as to where the power belonged. Kent and 
Story, and Marshall, and Taney, all commentators and all 
judges, have agreed in it. 

These unconstitutional arrests and the suspension of the writ 
of habeas corpus have alarmed the public mind. In New Jersey 
it has been sensibly felt. We are a law-abiding people, and are 
fighting for the Union, the Constitution and the laws. We have 
given of our blood and treasure to put down the rebellion ; and 
we wish to do this on such principles, that when it is accom- 
plished, we may have a Union and a Constitution left. We are 
not satisfied to part with these guarantees of our freedom, and 
trust to their restoration at some future time. 

The Convention which met at Trenton in September ex- 
pressed themselves openly upon these points. They represented 
the feelings of Democrats and conservatives throughout the 
State. They were intelligent, loyal and earnest men. Th6y 
pledged their aid to the suppression of the rebellion ; but they 
protested solemnly against all infringements of the constitu- 



13 

tional rights of the people. We ask you to ratify and confirm 
these sentiments at the polls. Stand by the administration in 
all lawful and constitutional efforts to Suppress the rebellion — 
stand by the country in her hour of danger ; but hold fast to 
the Constitution as her sheet-anchor. There can be no Union 
without the Constitution, and what is our country without both ! 

Fellow citizens : there are many other topics to which you^ 
attention should be directed. 

Look at the wasteful extravagance, the peculations and frauds 
which are everywhere brought to view. See even in high places 
Senators, members of Congress, officers and employees qf the 
Administration selling their influence and fattening upon the 
government contracts, procured for themselves or for others. 
Look at the report of the Investigating Committee of Congress, 
and you will cease to wonder at the rapid increase of our na- 
tional debt. And then see, too, the spirit of insubordination and 
disorder and confusion which prevails everywhere in the civil 
and military service. It is higher lawism exemplified. Officers 
quarrel with the Administration and each other. They dispute 
for precedence ; they claim and exercise authority which does 
not belong to them; they issue proclamations and decrees dis- 
graceful to themselves and the country ; they are recalled from 
one trust only to be placed in charge of another. Governors of 
States go into secret conference as to the mode of carryino- on 
the war and saving the country. Drafts are postponed to suit 
circumstances, although the army is suffering for want of re- 
cruits. All these things, and many others that might 'be added 
show a deplorable demoralization, which, if not corrected must 
bring disaster in its train. They enfeeble the national streno-th 
increase the public debt, and must necessarily prolono- the war. 

As to the Administration, we are aware that they have 
been beset with many difficulties, — that their situation has been 
novel and trying, and we feel it right that their doino-s should 
be judged in a spirit of candor. We ask you so to view them 
and to make all the allowances which candor, or even charity 
should sanction ; and then to answer whether there is not much 
very much, that calls for correction and change. 

And now what is our duty in the painful circumstances in 



14 

•which we are''placetl ? We are members of a great and power- 
ful party, which for the larger part of onr national existence has 
guided the destinies of the country. We have stood by it in 
sunshine and in storm, wliat is our duty now? We answer: — , 
Stand by the Constitution and the Laws ; freely aid the Admin- 
istration in all laAvful and constitutional means to restore the 
rightful authority of the government. For all injuries we have 
sustained in the loss of our personal rights, for all violations of 
the Constitution, let our present remedy be in the ballot box. 
That is open. It will soon speak. Let it speak in New Jersey 
now as in days past, in tones that cannot be mistaken. They 
will be. heard and understood; and itAvill be seen that there is a 
moral force in public opinion in this country to which all must 
submit. The freedom of speech and the press will be restored 
through its influence, forcible arrests and imprisonments will 
soon cease, and be among the things that- were. And the sam.e 
voice will teach the miserable fanatics of the day who are press- 
ing to make this Avar, a Avar for emancipation and for party, and 
i^t for the restoration of the Union, that it is not to be pervert- 
ed to such objects. Radicalism has made fearful progress ; but 
it may still be stayed. Let the Democracy of Noav Jersey come 
as one man to the rescue ; invite Jerseytaen of all parties to join 
us. There are thousands, we are sure, now in the Republican 
ranks, who are opposed to this abolition crusade and to all the 
radical doctrines of the day. We ask them to unite Avith us in 
saving the country and restoring the Union on the basis of the 
Constitution. It is not now, but it soon may be, too late. 

But it is alleged . by some that Ave are opposing the govern- 
ment and creating divisions in the loyal States, and thus giving 
aid and comfort to the enemy. This is a singular charge against 
Jerscymen. Why, during the whole period of this rebellion, 
KcAv Jersey has been a loyal State, and she has been a Demo- 
cratic State. The Democrats and conservatives in the State 
were earnest in their efforts to prevent a civil war. But Avhen 
the bloAV Avas struck at Sumpter, and war came, the State of 
New Jersey was among the first to offer her support to the gov- 
ernment. Ilcr troops Avere among the foremost in the field, and 
she has promptly met every demand. And Avas this the Avork 
of Republicans alone ? They Avill not say it Avas, and if they 
should the very stones Avould cry out against them. And are 
Democrats creating divisions by insisting that the Avar shall be 
prosecuted for its avoAved and legitimate purpose. Do our op- 
ponents mean to say it should be prosecuted for any other, and 
if for any other purpose, for Avhat purpose ? Let them anstver. 

If it is intended to say that we are creating divisions by calling 



15 

in question acts of the Administration -which we may truly be- 
lieve to be unconstitutional or illegal or inexpedient, then we de- 
sire to be heard for a moment. There is a strange idea pre- 
vailing among some that the Administration and the Govern- 
ment are the same thing. This is incorrect. The govern- 
ment is permanent. It is established by the Constitution 
as to its form and powers. In fact, the government and the 
Constitution are often taken in the same sense. Those who ad- 
minister the government constitute what is known as the admin- 
istration. They are officers of the government, but not the gov- 
ernment itself. They are changed from time to time, but the 
government or the Constitution remains the same. Our oath of 
allegiance is "to support the Constitution of the United States" 
and " to bear true faith and allegiance to the government es- 
tablished in this State under the authority of the people," not 
to support the administration. It is a mistake to suppose that 
to call in question the acts of our public servants is an opposi- 
tion to the government. On the contrary, it is an important 
security to the government, in exposing those who are unfaith- 
ful to its principles. Free discussion and free election must 
stand or fall together. The one enlightens, the other declares 
the public raincl. Both are essential to liberty. 

Let us all, then, examine and canvass the situation of our coun- 
try, undisturbed by the miserable cry of treason and disloyalty 
and secessionism, sought to be raised against, us by some of the 
demagogues of the day. Let us faithfully do our duty at the 
polls, and strive to ward off the storm that threatehs to involve 
us in one common ruin. ■ While we fight secessionism in the 
field, we must fight abolitionism and radicals at the ballot box. 
We invite conservative men everywhere to aid us in so controlling 
public sentiment, as that our constitutional rights shall be pre- 
. served, and that our honest efforts for the suppression of the 
rebellion shall not be used for the purposes of sustainino- a mere 
abolition war, to be attended or followed by servile insurrec- 
tions, at the contemplation of which humanity shudders. Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Indiana have spoken, and we are cheered by 
the sound. Let Ncay Jersey follow their example. 

A Governor and five members of Congress are to be chosen 
at the ensuing election. General Joel Pakker has been nomi- 
nated for Governor; he is. a tried man, of integrity and hio-h 
character, and eminently fitted for the office. He is a conserva- 
tive man, who has cordially accepted the platform of the Con- 
vention, and will fearlessly maintain the integrity of the State 
and the rights of all her citizens. We heartily commend him 
to the suffrages of all. Our nominees for Congress are men 



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known to the public. They are honest, faithful and capable, 
and if elected -vvill sustain the principles of their constituents and 
the best interests of their country. On the Legislature to be 
chosen at the same time will devolve the duty not only of taking 
care of State concerns, but of choosing a United States Senator 
for six years. 

The election, therefore, is one of more than ordinary import- 
ance. Let us weigh well the responsrbility that rests upon us all. 
And let us go with strong, united purpose FOR OUR COUNTRY, 
for the Union as it was and the Constitution as it is. 

PETER D. VROOM, \ ivr z , r 

BENJAMIN WILLIAMSON, ]^''^'^'''' «^ ^«^^^- 

BENJAMIN F. LEE, First District. 
JOSEPH D. BEDLE, Second District. 
PHINEAS B. KENNEDY, Third District. 
JOHN Y. DATER, Fourth District. 
THOMAS B. PIERSON, Fifth District. 
Trenton, October, 1862. 



Ll 



Eesolutions Adopted at tlie Democratic State Convention, September 4, 1862. 

Whereas, the Democracy of New Jersey have nffahi assembled in Convention to ex- 
ercise the right of freemen to nominate a candidate for the hif^hest office in the gift 
of the people ; and whereas, we hold that popular Conventions alone may rightly 
proclaim the tenets of the party — therefore, 

1. Resolved, That doplorinff the deiiioralizinf; tendency of the Higher Law teachinga 
of the Kepublican party, we feel impelled to reiterate our faith in the doctrine that Coa- 
stitutionul Law is tlie only true basis of Executive action, in peace or war. 

2. Resolved, Tiiat in tlie present exigencies of the country we extend to the National 
Administration our most cordial support for the speedy suppression of the rebellion by 
all Constitutional means, and that the party stands as it has ever stood since the forma- 
tion of the Government, for the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of tho 
Laws. 

3. Resolved, That as in establishing the Constitution the people reserved to them- 
selves all iiowers not delegated to the Government, therefore all assumptions of power 
by the Administration, whether in the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, arrest 
and imprisonment without due course of law, or restrictions of the freedom of speech 
and ot the press, are dangerous infringements of the Constitutional rights of the people, 
only to be patiently borne by the hopeless serfs of an irresistible despotism. 

4. Resolved, That while we enter our solemn protest against the reckless extrava- 
gance, infamous peculation, and political outrages of which the party in power is guilty, 
and while we deprecate the horrors of the civil coutiict now raging, w*etill hold it our 
duty to advocate the use of every Constitutional means, to the extent of the full power 
of the Government, for the suppression of the rebellion, the vindication of the authority 
of the" Constitution as it is and the restoration of the Union as it was.'" 

5. Resolved, That wo do entirely reject and abhor the idea that, as an object of the 
present civil war, any purpose of emancipation of the slaves shall be thereby promoted 
or at all regarded ; and that the language recently used by the " Washington Republi- 
can,'' that the kauce of restoring the Union of the States is about played out, is utterly 
infamous, and deserving, as it will receive, the most tolemn and severe coudemnaliou 
of all true patriots. 

6. Resolved, That we applaud our brave volunteers, who by their gallant deeds have 
emulated the heroism oi tne old " Jersey Blues," and that we extend our heartfelt sym- 
pathy to those who are bereaved by the calamities of the war. 

7. Resolved, That to the candidate this day nominated we pledge our united support, 
believing that the jiolitical tiiumph ofthe Constitutit)nal Democracy in the coming elec- 
tion will have a powerful etiect in tenninating tho rebellion and restoring peace, proa- 
perity and happiness throughout the laud. 



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Hollinger 

pH8.5 

Mill Run F3'l 955 



